Greater Israel: an Ongoing Expansion Plan for the Middle East and North Africa

Photo: Greater Israel”, according to the founding father of Zionism Theodore Herzl, 

is a Jewish State stretching “from the Brook of Egypt to the Euphrates.

The recent picture of an Israeli Defense Forces (IDF) soldier with a Greater Israel badge on the uniform provoked outrage in Arab countries

 (Middle East Monitor, 2024). 

The promised land of Israel, as described in the badge photo, includes regions from the Nile to the Euphrates, from Medina to Lebanon, including territories from Egypt, Lebanon, Syria, Iraq, Saudi Arabia, entire Jordan, and Occupied Palestinian territories. 

Why it sparked outrage, however, is not clear: the map reflects Theodor Herzl’s more than a century old statement: “Discussed with Bodenheimer the demands we will make. Area: from the Brook of Egypt to the Euphrates…” (Herzl, Ed. Patai, & Transl. Zohn, 1960, p. 711), and with newer instances of this territorial expansion desiderate, expressed by Oded Yinon plan and Saul B. Cohen’s geopolitical concepts, among others, and the aggressive stance against Israel’s neighbors and regional countries. Hence, it is probably not the existence of the plan that sparked outrage, but its appearance in the broader social media space.

This view on region’s future is neither new nor rare. 

In a January 2024 recording, Israeli politician Avi Lipkin was stating: 

“… eventually, our borders will extend from Lebanon to the Great Desert, which is Saudi Arabia, and then from the Mediterranean to the Euphrates. And who is on the other side of the Euphrates? The Kurds! And the Kurds are friends. So we have Mediterranean behind us, the Kurds in front of us, Lebanon, which really needs the umbrella of protection of Israel, and then we’re gonna take, I believe we’re gonna take Mecca, Medina and Mount Sinai, and to purify those places” 

(Middle East Monitor 1, 2024).

This article analyzes the geopolitical and international relations implications of Israel’s expansion plan in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region, in connection with the dynamic concept of Greater Israel, from a historical development perspective:

1. Geopolitical lens considerations and Israeli assertions

Rudolf Kjellen’s “geopolitik” was defined at the end of 19th century, and according to literature, the developed framework encompasses also the “organic concept of statehood” (Tunander, 2001, p. 453), along with other concepts like “state and land”, unity, people, personality of a state on the international scene.

Post-World War II literature on geopolitics began to criticize and revise initial geopolitical hypotheses defined by Mahan, Mackinder and Haushofer, among others. 

For example, Sprot was stating in 1953:

 “Very few of these hypotheses reflect dispassionate objectivity. Most of them reflect a specific nationalistic viewpoint; most of them were formulated in the heat of some kind of a crisis, in a period of tension; most of them reflect advise to a particular government – a policy which, if followed, it was hoped would achieve some desired result” 

(Sprout, 1954, p. 20). 

While the arguments hold true, it was also the association of geopolitics with Friedrich Ratzel’s Lebensraum conceptual framework and its instrumentalization by the German Nazis that led to a “divestment” from geopolitics as a discipline in the mid 20th century.

In principle, geopolitics was concerned with the distribution of (state) power across regions and the globe, i.e., geographical regions, from the perspective of theoretical developments and political practice. It expanded on the previous military power concepts, and the association of states with organisms was probably another embodiment analogy, like for example Planet Earth as a living organism: Gaia.

Geopolitics was supposed to deliver answers and support in addressing various issues for different decision-makers at a certain point in history. From this perspective, it is connected to a state’s external policy and international relations. It thus evolved from the beginnings of the 20th century to the Cold War theses, the subsequent American unipolarism and the post-2001 American War-on-Terror (WoT) approach. Should one consider China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) as a geopolitical shift, at least a part of the world has moved into a geopolitical setting in which international influence is not resulting from a direct military confrontation with other countries.

However, following classical geopolitical criteria are retained for this study: the dynamic character of a state’s international stance, which according to certain theories, not reflected in present mainstream international relations practice, included the dynamics of borders, the state-centered view on international relations and the concept of state power. The newer “critical geopolitics” literature approaches questions, among others, the self-proclaimed universal character of Western geopolitical concepts, arguing also that after the Cold War, the world has not achieved peace. It also theorizes that geopolitics is “a broad cultural phenomenon” and “its value is not politically neutral” (HU & Dadao, 2016). The following criteria will be added to the geopolitical analysis framework from this article: the relative universalism of demands and the political discourse as distinct tool in achieving geopolitical goals.

No geopolitical theoretical framework can exhaustively describe the evolution of Israel’s power relations with its neighbors and other countries. The classical approaches served the pre-World War II international relations and the subsequent versions also tend to support the view of a particular power center. Therefore, following research directions will be considered in subsequent chapters: the notion of a dynamic state as argument for geopolitical demands, state-centered approach to international relations, universalism of hypotheses and evolution of political discourse as a tool. 

Instead of filtering the Greater Israel project through a particular lens,

This article will analyze three main instances of Israeli geopolitical views/expressions related to Israel’s role as a state vis-à-vis broader international principles and consensus on peaceful coexistence reflected in the United Nations Charter: 

1- the Greater Israel maximalist demands expressed in Theodor Herzl’s diaries, 

2- the Oded Yinon Plan and more recent 

3- geopolitical definitions provided by Saul Cohen, which appear to consistently point towards the direction of an Israel taking over further territories of/from its neighbors.

2. Israeli demands and implications

2.1. Theodor Herzl and the Zionist Movement

Theodor Herzl is not the first proponent of a Jewish state. 

However, the history of territorial claims to land from Palestine will however not be analyzed in this article. It dates back at least a couple of centuries ago and Palestine was not the only option considered for a Jewish state before Balfour Declaration: the Uganda option, among others, was rejected by the World Zionist Organization at the beginning of 20th century. However, his and his group’s work resulted in the 1948 foundation of Israel as a state, and what the Palestinians call an-Nakba, i.e. the mass, forced, displacement of inhabitants from the future land of Israel. 

Adrian Stein explains that Herzl personally organized the first Zionist conference between 29th and 31st of August, 1897 at Stadtcasino in Basel (Stein, 2024). In Book 6 of Herzl’s diaries (beginning in 1898), Herzl describes a discussion he had with (German) Imperial Chancellor, Prince Hohenlohe, in which he is asked how much land is expected to be needed for the envisioned state. His reply was: “We will ask for what we need – the more immigrants, the more land.” In the same discussion, he explains: “We want autonomy and self-protection”  (Herzl, Ed. Patai, & Transl. Zohn, 1960, pp. 701-702).

Territorial demands mentioned in various instances of this book vary in formulation, but they essentially describe a territory larger than Israel 1967 broadly recognized borders or the ones of Palestinian occupied territories. 

An example is: “I wrote on a slip of paper…: Sinai Peninsula, Egyptian Palestine, Cyprus … Sinai – El Arish – Cyprus plan…” (Herzl, Ed. Patai, & Transl. Zohn, 1960, pp. 1294-1295). In the discussion with Bodenheimer related to the area “…from the brooks of Egypt to the Euphrates…” described in Book Two (Herzl, Ed. Patai, & Transl. Zohn, 1960, p. 711), the plan of a two-stage process was discussed, with the aim to introduce it to the Ottoman government: initially a Jewish governor (under Ottoman sovereignty, similar to the Egyptian relation with the Sultan) and as soon as the Jewish population surpasses two thirds a complete Jewish administration.

There are many details related to Zionist developments from this period, but from the perspective of state dynamics as a criterion in this study, Balfour Declaration was not approved yet by the British government. The world had not yet begun to decolonize, and the Ottoman Empire was in regression, allowing colonial powers like the United Kingdom and France to increase their influence in Ottoman territories. In the territory of Ottoman Palestine, the state-centered approach was appearing in the form of national aspirations as defined by the mandates, i.e. an auto determination that also abolished the Ottoman Empire.

It is rather difficult to identify the universalism degree of Herzl’s demands for land.

There is a broad agreement among researchers that the Bible does not represent a scientific historical source, hence the narrative of return to Israel, or Greater Israel can be associated with an argumentative discourse, not a detailed history of the region or demographic realities on the ground. Without denying this possibility, it can also observed that the demand looks like deal proposals for certain decision-makers at certain times in history, rather than a clear delimitation of territory: it can be maximalist, in order to obtain as much as possible through negotiation, and it is presented as dynamic when replying to Prince Hohenlohe that more migrants will require more land. 

Another relative aspect of land demand is the readiness to buy the land from Arab and Greek owners (Herzl, Ed. Patai, & Transl. Zohn, 1960, p. 702). Should this land had been Israeli, why buy it from existing, lawful owners? And should the thesis of “barren” land, propagated in the media, or “vacant land” (Herzl, Ed. Patai, & Transl. Zohn, 1960, p. 1363) holds true, again, why buying it?

Consequently, it can be asserted that the character of Herzl’s land demands is not universal. While there were reasons for the Zionist Movement to consider founding an independent Jewish state, the location and modality to implement such a project were subject to longer, previous negotiations with power guarantors of those times, i.e., the former colonial powers, Germany and later the United States. 

These were subjective agreements.

In 1948, the State of Israel was founded on inhabited Palestinian lands and although land has been bought, reportedly more than 750,000 Palestinians were forcefully displaced from their homes. The displacement of Palestinians and conflicts in the Occupied Palestinian territories continue to take place. Israel also fought wars with its Arab neighboring countries on more occasions, and the region remains relatively unstable.

2.2. The Oded Yinon Plan

The autonomy and self-protection goals stated by Herzl were achieved, although the self-protection aim is heavily reliant on American and European military aid to this day. 

In the 1982 essay “A strategy for Israel in the Nineteen Eighties” by Oded Yinon (Yinon & Shahak, 1982), further geopolitical ideas related to the region are discussed, in line with Israel’s position and conflicts with its neighbors. This can be equated with a handbook for dissolution of Arab countries. Author’s (Yinon) claims that the world transits to a “new epoch in human history”, can also be seen as a truism: every day is a new day for the entire humanity and the establishment of epochs is different for different cultures despite the increase of globalization. The paper identifies Israel along Western world, mentions the threat of a “multi-dimensional global war” and “the dimensions of the global confrontation which will face us in the future”. It is a paper on war essentially. 

After extensively presenting various diversity aspects of Arab societies, some of them being cosmopolite for centuries anyway, including Algeria, Egypt, Lebanon, Syria, Saudi Arabia and Iraq, the “plan” begins to present “dissolution” scenarios for these countries along religious or ethnical lines: a “Christian Coptic State” in Egypt, that could lead to “downfall and dissolution of Egypt,” in its turn triggering the fall of Libya and Sudan. 

The article further states: 

“Lebanon’s total dissolution into five provinces serves as a precedent for the entire Arab world including Egypt, Syria, Iraq, and the Arabian Peninsula and is already following that track. The dissolution of Syria and Iraq later into ethnically or religiously unique areas such as in Lebanon, is Israel’s primary target on the Eastern front in the long run, while the dissolution of the military power of those states serves as the primary short-term target. Syria will fall apart, in accordance with its ethnic and religious structure, into several states such as in present day Lebanon, so that there will be a Shi’ite Alawi state along its coast, a Sunni state in the Aleppo area, another Sunni state in Damascus hostile to its northern neighbor, and the Druzes who will set up a state, maybe even in our Golan, and certainly in the Hauran and in northern Jordan. This state of affairs will be the guarantee for peace and security in the area in the long run, and that aim is already within our reach today” 

(Yinon & Shahak, 1982). 

This long citation is representative for the Israeli divide et impera view on the region and at least a part of its acting directions, and a conflict between Iraq and Iran was expected, according to the article, to lead to Iraq’s dissolution, which Yinon defined as “…more important for us than that of Syria.” The article uses questionable terms like for example “…liquidation of Jordan under the present regime….”

Ralph Schoenmann, an author criticized for “personal ideological bias” and attributing “some of Israel’s misdeeds to US instigation” (Killgore, 2024), lists in his book, “The Hidden History of Zionism” (Schoenman, 1988, pp. 103-113), what he calls a “Strategy for Conquest” based on the analysis of Yinon’s plan: divide and rule, dissolving Lebanon and fragmenting Syria, an “assault” on Iran, targeting Iraq, “double-crossing Mubarak”,  weakening Saudi Arabia and dissolution of Arabian peninsula states and depopulation of Palestine. Schoenman claims that Yinon’s ideas were not isolated: they had been presented by Ariel Sharon and Moshe Arens, as well as the Labor Party. 

He also lists the four “NOs” of Labor Party’s 1984 political platform: 

1. NO to a Palestinian state, 
2. NO to negotiations with Palestinian Liberation Organization (which must be assessed from the perspective of results), 
3. NO to the 1967 borders and 
4. NO to the removal of settlements 

(Schoenman, 1988, p. 113).

In the 1980s, Israel was already a dynamic state, with new territories occupied after the 1967 war and maintained in the 1973 war, and with an ongoing settler colonialism project (Gluskin, 2018).

The approach remained very state-focused, and the only focus was basically the State of Israel, while the (Yinon) plan saw all surrounding and other Arab states as candidates for dissolution based on ethnical or religious criteria.

2.3. Saul Cohen’s geopolitical definitions and other current views

Saul Cohen’s “Geopolitics” was published initially in 2003, and republished in 2009 and 2015 (Cohen, 2015). Two aspects of his work appear to confirm a geopolitical view that are connected with Israel’s regional situation and its geopolitical constraints: the definition of a nation’s claim to power and the concept of geopolitical structures that includes “highly autonomous regions” and “quasi states”.

The four pillars of a nation’s claim to power mentioned in his book are: 

1. an overwhelming military strength and the will to use this power, 
2. “surplus economic energy” to be provided as aid or investment to other countries, 
3. ideological leadership, and 
4. a cohesive governance system 

(Cohen, 2015, p. 2). 

While his work is generally very descriptive on Western concepts, this definition can be perceived rather as a definition of US military power if one considered the first two pillars. Assuming that Israel is still working on the development of economy, and that overall military power included massive exogenous support, the claim of Israel to power could be eventually accommodated in a regional setting. Although the author does not detail on superpower competition’s impact on Israel, the work states that “radical geopolitical restructuring is a continuous process” in the context of an increasing number of states on the globe, and an advance of multipolarity and regionalism. Potentially as a confirmation of Oded Yinon’s plan, the book also states that the Middle East “has become even more fractured as a shatterbelt” (Cohen, 2015, p. 33). Further confirming on Yinon’s dissolution view, Cohen claims that in approx. 25 years, the number of national states could increase from 200 to 250, in what he calls a devolution process.

However, although mentioning the “national states,” Cohen immediately switches to the notion of “these new geoterritorial entities” that are expected to become highly autonomous “quasi states,” and not national states as initially mentioned. Another term that appears to confirm the idea of possible dissolution of states is that of (national) state’s “demise”, associated in this book with strengthening of world and regional governing bodies, influence of Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs), economic developments, etc. (Cohen, 2015, p. 49). Cohen even suggests regions with the potential to become, in his view independent or quasi states: Quebec, Crete, Catalonia, Scotland, Wales, Chechnya, Somaliland, Arab Palestine, (Iraqi) Kurdistan, among others and possible new “confederations”, listing China and Taiwan, Former Yugoslav states and the Baltic States, among others (Cohen, 2015, pp. 57-59).

In Chapter 12, “The Middle East Shatterbelt”, the author presents a map (fig. 12.1) that includes Turkiye in the “shatterbelt” region. The map does not mark large parts of Saudi Arabia, Iran, Egypt, Yemen as “Effective National Territory.” Neom, for example, was not marked as an Effective National Territory in this book. It marks the entire Israeli territory either as ecumenes or effective national territory, a small part of West Bank and no region from Gaza as effective national territory. Most of Jordan’s territory is also not marked as Effective National Territory. Ecumenes are defined as “areas of greatest density of population and economic activity” and Effective National Territories and Effective Regional Territories as “moderately populated areas with favorable resource bases” (Cohen, 2015, pp. 39-40).

All these concepts appear to support/justify Israel’s regional expansion aspirations, and previous concepts like “barren”/” vacant” land. Although this book is a theoretization and probably author’s opinion, this type of opinion has the potential to move the discussion from the “territorial integrity or political independence of any state” (UN Charter article 2) to another area in which regions from sovereign states, be they strong or weak, are not marked as Effective National Territories, based on subjective definitions. 

Of course, this does not directly infringe upon territorial sovereignty of these countries, but the possibility of interpretation cannot be ruled out especially in this terminology setting, and in the context of political declarations of certain Israeli politicians related to Ottoman Palestine: 

Jordan may feel threatened, Egypt as well, and President Erdogan stated in May 2024: “…if this … state of Israel is not stopped, it will set its eyes on Anatolia with its delusion of a promised land…” (Middle East Monitor 05, 2024). 

Another important concept from this book is that of “equilibrium”, along with turbulence and world order, from a system perspective, that, again points to a “developmental approach”, mentioning Herbert Spencer’s “organic growth analogy” (Cohen, 2015, p. 59).

Yossi Sarid published in 2011 an opinion on Haaretz website, according to which the two traditional pillars of Israel’s occupation were history and security, and called the back-then newly added pillar “not a pillar but a snake”, arguing against the alleged appearance of what he called the need for “lebensraum” (Sarid, 2011). His statement related to the security dilemma that Israel faces was: 

“The second, security-based school of thought stipulates that we need virtually all the territories for self-defense” (Sarid, 2011). While it is not clear whether the author identifies with this statement or not, the reflection emphasizes on an argument that serves both the security of Israel and the Greater Israel expansionist cause.

The leitmotif of “new age” or “new era” continues to be employed in multiple instances. 

In Adrian Stein’s blog series (Stein 2, 2024), Mr. Stein explains that “Zionism 2.0” is set to establish “the foundation for a new emerging civilization centered and based in Israel, propelled by Israel’s culture, language and gifted people”. The scope is global, according to the author: 

“Zionism 2.0 seeks to alter and transform the existing material and economic basis of the world, and through these efforts give rise to a new global structure or civilization if you may”. Technological, scientific development is envisioned, along with the spread of start-ups.

Therefore, how is Greater Israel goal reflected in contemporary literature and media reports analyzed above? 

Probably the most important aspect is that it is not much different than it was at the beginning of 20th century, or the 1980s, from the geopolitical perspective. Adrian Stein utilizes the title “From the Euphrates to the Nile” (Stein 2, 2024), Saul Cohen insists on the same terminology that accommodated overtaking land by force and by defining characteristics for the so-called “new” ages. The theses that appear to drive the Greater Israel expansion appear to be connected to the notion of a dynamic state, in the sense of territorial expansion for Israel if one considers the security threat discuss above, and the dissolution of Arab states discussed in the Oded Yinon plan. 

All materials analyzed appear to have been state-centered, irrespective of their direction. The universalism character of geopolitical hypotheses appears to be rather inexistent and inconsistent from a possible replication perspective. Likewise, the universalism of claims related to a potential new global civilization centered in Israel is yet to be demonstrated. And even if it was demonstrated, there is no clear hint on how long such a civilization could potentially last.

The political discourse development as a tool in supporting greater Israel (Behnam, 2023) is reflected by the refinement of “hasbara” policy, i.e. the Civic Public Diplomacy. This is equated with “the control of Narrative as an Element of Strategy” by Ambassador Chas W. Freeman (Freeman, 2024), with “Art of Deception” by a TRT World article (TRT World, 2021), and with a “propaganda machine” by Sam Hamad (Hamad, 2023).

3. Potential geopolitical implications of Greater Israel project

Although not new, the Greater Israel project appears to receive renewed attention in the light of the most recent war from Gaza, that reportedly led to the death of more than 34,000 and wounding of over 78’000 Palestinians, and the prospect for a potential war in Lebanon.

This recent Gaza development appears to at least pause the Abraham Accords with Saudi Arabia, but should Israel pursue its Greater Israel project, whose maps match Herzl’s territorial demands and clearly hints at extending its territory in Saudi Arabia, including Neom and according to Avi Lipkin Mecca and Medina, the envisioned regional peace becomes an unclear concept. There is no long term, core concept identified in analyzed publications that hint at a possible restraint of Israel from expanding its territory. It is thus difficult to distinguish, based on analyzed data, between a potential strategic patience of Greater Israel planners – that could envision a longer timing for this project and a step-by-step approach, and a potential agreement between Israel and Saudi Arabia along other neighbors, to form a sort of alliance/union with a map that the Israeli soldiers recently displayed. However, given the situation at this point in history, and the historic tendency of Israeli strategists towards a state-centered approach, the latter option is probably unlikely.

The regional geopolitical dynamics appear to be marked by various forms of conflict that hint towards an active Greater Israel project, a potential normalization of relations between Saudi Arabia and Israel, and an increasing confrontation between Iran and its allies and Israel, the US and their allies on the other hand. In this confrontation, Türkiye appears to play no significant role and Saudi Arabia appears to wait for a certain event to pick a direction. And this event would be reportedly the recognition (by Israel) of a Palestinian state.

Saul Cohen’s view was that global organizations tend to weaken state sovereignty. This state-centered approach was expressed, probably, from a geopolitical perspective that does not include the importance of trade. It must be however emphasized that Israel is relying particularly on the US, the UK, and other allies, rather than United Nations Security Council, to carry out its defense policy. Furthermore, the tensions derived from a potential arrest warrant for Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu by the International Criminal Court have resulted in a further distancing between Israel and international organizations.

The approach to Greater Israel project may determine various regional and global reactions. 

Until recently, the essentially grey line approach to the Occupied Palestinian Territories, which could be perceived as a long-term slow-pace settlement project, since it resulted in the increase of settlement units, along with what the media often calls Egyptian and Lebanese economic and financial “difficulties” have ensured a certain advancement of Israel outside its 1967 borders. 

However, although other successes were marked, like the recent Abraham Accords, it must also be emphasized that it was not able to maintain the occupation of Sinai peninsula or the puppet state it helped create and supported in Southern Lebanon back in the ‘80s. 

Likewise, although Syria is facing serious hardships, it did not disintegrate. 

Likewise, the deal that Ankara signed with Baghdad will probably increase security in the Iraqi Kurdistan region, rather than creating further potential for wider conflicts. 

From this perspective, the “shatterbelt” characteristic of this region appears to be a rather stable instability than an unstable one: no major geopolitical change has occurred so far and no border has been redrawn. 

Furthermore, states like Iran, Türkiye and Egypt have become very vigilant from this perspective, and Iraq appears to reemerge as a regional economic power that can catalyze regional power relations. These short-term regional tendencies appear to strengthen region’s capacity to react to a potential extension of Israel’s borders by force.

While Israel’s support in the US remains strong across the entire political spectrum, the political and economic costs of a potential broader war near Israel’s borders can rise for the traditional superpower. In the wider context of superpower confrontation paradigm, a generally increasing confrontational scene and a potential global arms race, whose alleged goals are self-defense, whatever the meaning is, American priorities may become more pronounced in this context. Whatever they might be.

A potential plan by Israel to become a trade hub/route connecting Europe to Asia, and to win leverage as a hydrocarbon supplier especially for Europe is facing challenges from more directions: 

China will probably remain a user of the existing Suez Canal. 

Probably India as well, unless it receives more economic and political incentives from the proponents of alternatives. 

Likewise, Türkiye is already an important hub for gas and oil pipelines and is emerging as a route for the Middle Corridor trade route as well. 

Hence, while Israel can offer alternatives to old and new trade routes, the same regionalism and multipolarity that Saul Cohen mentioned can lead to new economic development patterns that will demand Israel to imagine new, efficient regional policies, that could or could not rely on the same level of support from traditional security partners. 

Whether these potential new paradigms are compatible with the traditional and actual Greater Israel goal remains to be analyzed, primarily by Israel, its neighbours and its regional partners in the first instance.

4. Conclusions

This article aimed to characterize the “Greater Israel” concept from a geopolitical perspective. 

After analyzing classical and revisionist theories on geopolitics, four indicators were defined to assess the historical evolution of this term from the beginning of 20th century until present. 

The indicators were: 

1. the dynamic characteristic of a state, 
2. the (degree of) state-centered approach to geopolitics, 
3. universalism as a hypothesis in demands and negotiations, but also in political speech, and 
4. the (degree to which) political discourse is employed as a tool in implementing geopolitical goals, including Greater Israel project.

Three major instances of Israel’s foundation and development as a state were analyzed: 

1. the foundation negotiations carried out by Theodor Herzl and his supporters, 
2. the Oded Yinon plan and 
3. the 21st century geopolitical concepts presented by Saul Cohen and other writers. 

The data analyzed indicates a systematic, long-term, desire to achieve a Greater Israel that would stretch from Egypt to Iraq, potentially including regions from Lebanon, Syria, Saudi Arabia, Egypt and Jordan.

There is no clear indication that Israel would renounce this goal, or that it would compromise on Greater Israel project. However, the leitmotif that appears in the argumentation of Greater Israel project, i.e., the a perpetual “new” era/age, might indeed represent a reason for reflection. 

As the world is reportedly moving towards an end of big oil era, and trade routes multiply at global and regional level, new paradigm changes will be required for the traditional superpowers in order to peacefully compete with the emerging industrial and trade powers.

And while Israel is enjoying autonomy and increases its stake in own self-protection, the importance of foreign support may still be a core component of its regional policy. 

When analyzing the Greater Israel project, one must consider whether a potential perpetual war state is compatible with aspirations towards a peace-time economic development, that is supposed to compete with new-era, fast-developing economic powers. Likewise, given the existing precarious security situation, it remains unclear what security guarantees can Israel and Arab countries can offer and ask to move towards a more predictable development.

Ecaterina MAŢOI

in, Middle East Political and Economic Institute

Diferença entre ter Mentalidade de Pobre e Mentalidade de Rico

 

"A riqueza não significa ter uma conta bancária com muito dinheiro.

A riqueza é, acima de tudo, a capacidade de criar riqueza.

Exemplo: alguém que ganha dinheiro na lotaria ou jogos de azar. Mesmo ganhando 100 milhões, ele não é um homem rico, é um homem pobre com muito dinheiro. É por isso que 90% dos milionários da lotaria  são pobres novamente após 5 anos. 

Porque não sabem ganhar dinheiro...só sabem gastar.

Existem pessoas ricas que não têm dinheiro. 

Exemplo: a maioria dos empreendedores. 

Eles já estão no caminho da riqueza, mesmo que não tenham dinheiro, porque estão a desenvolver a sua inteligência financeira e isso é riqueza.

Como é que os ricos e os pobres são diferentes?

Se vires um jovem que decide formar-se, aprender coisas novas, tentando continuamente melhorar-se, saiba que ele é um homem rico.

Se vires um jovem que acha que o problema é o estado, e acredita que os ricos são todos ladrões e está constantemente  a criticar, saiba que ele é pobre.

Os ricos estão convencidos que só precisam de informação e formação para começar, os pobres acham que os outros deviam dar dinheiro para começar.

Concluindo, quando digo que a minha filha não vai casar com homem pobre não estou a falar de dinheiro. Estou a falar da capacidade deste homem  criar riqueza.

Se um rico, com capacidade de criar riqueza, perder tudo...passado algum tempo ele já está a recuperar de novo tudo o que perdeu, e vira milionário de novo.

Desculpem o que vou dizer, mas a maioria dos criminosos são pobres. Quando estão à  frente do dinheiro, perdem a cabeça, é por isso que roubam, assaltam, etc.

Para eles, é uma graça, porque eles próprios não sabem como poderiam ganhar dinheiro.

Um dia, um guarda do banco encontrou uma mala cheia de dinheiro, pegou nela e devolveu-a ao gerente do banco. As pessoas chamavam este  homem de imbecil, mas na realidade este  homem era só um homem rico que não tinha dinheiro.

1 ano depois, o banco ofereceu-lhe um emprego como recepcionista, 3 anos depois ele era gestor de clientes e 10 anos depois, ele geriu a gestão regional deste banco. Agora ele  é  gerente  de centenas de funcionários e os seus prémios  anuais excedem o valor que ele poderia ter roubado.

A riqueza é antes de tudo um estado de espírito, é atitude.”

Autor Desconhecido

Psicóloga Lourdes Relloso explica em detalhes o surgimento da psicose c...

Criticar a NATO não é igual a ser pro-Putin

 O que Putin está a fazer na Ucrânia, 

os EUA já fizeram no 

Iraque, Síria, Iémen, Líbia

Tudo por causa do petróleo.

Ganância e genocídio 

andam sempre de mãos dadas.

É o fractal mais negro da natureza humana e do nosso trauma colectivo neste mundo aparentemente dividido  e que abre uma fenda na terra e na nossa consciência. 

Já nos esquecemos do escândalo NSA e Edward Snowden, ou WikiLeaks e de Julien Assange, quando revelou ao mundo os crimes de guerra dos EUA e de como foi diabolizado nos media?

Se alguém tivesse revelado ao mundo o holocausto antes do final da guerra, teria sido considerado um espião ou um ser humano revolucionário?

Isso depende sempre de quem está no poder no momento e, em quais são os seus interesses.

Por isso é que nada tem lógica ou sentido.

A censura que Putin está  a fazer na Rússia, também foi feita pelo Facebook durante estes anos a todas as pessoas que ousaram ter um pensamento independente e crítico e não alinhado de forma subserviente com a narrativa oficial covid e vacinas e confinamentos, que só serviram para quebrar o espírito das pessoas e hipnotizá-las para desviar a atenção da maior catástrofe e suicídio ambiental que está  a acontecer a cada dia em todo o planeta.

Na primavera árabe as redes sociais serviram de ferramenta de união entre as pessoas para se organizarem e protestarem.

 

Hoje as redes sociais são as principais servas da "PIDE" instalada pela elite mundial do capitalismo tecnocrático totalitário. 

Não, não foi só no tempo dos nossos pais, nunca cessou - eu própria numa manifestação anti troika em 2011 que juntou 200.000 pessoas fui conduzida pela polícia com um grupo de manifestantes para um local onde de seguida nos quiseram prender por estarmos a bloquear a ponte - para onde a polícia nos levou e os jornalistas da SIC já estavam à espera para desviar a atenção no jornal da noite reportando a manifestação como uma tentativa de bloqueio semi-terrorista e nada sobre as razões do protesto anti austeridade. 

Foi só para distrair porque depois da Ordem  dos advogados nos defender todas as queixas foram retiradas para não se falar mais nisso e abafar o potencial escândalo.

Justin Trudeau, no Canadá, carregou em protestantes pacíficos tal como Putin carrega agora e prende os manifestantes.

As farmacêuticas, os fabricantes de armas, os bancos e a elite big tech dominam os media e os políticos fantoche em tantos países e criam as crises para criar as " soluções " e enriquecer à custa do povo. Actuam todos em conjunto. 

É por isso que vemos as mesmas notícias com os mesmos títulos e vírgulas em milhares de publicações diferentes. 

 

Os nossos supostos " líderes" são espiões, bandidos, negociantes, advogados do diabo e querem que o senso comum seja visto como idealismo. 

O que pode ser mais doentio e absurdo?

Quem são os revolucionários? 

Quem são os ditadores? 

Quantos revolucionários se tornaram em ditadores? 

Temos de ver para além dos Ismos, das nacionalidades, da cor da pele e das linhas inventadas dos mapas. 

Temos de ver que o abuso de poder existe em toda a parte e eu não consigo engolir hipocrisia vinda de onde vier.

Nada é o que parece. Nada é preto e branco.

As narrativas oficiais são propaganda fotocopiada para nos fazer ver as coisas de um ângulo específico para ser atingido um certo fim - que envolve sempre o lucro de alguns.

A Pfizer fez 42 biliões de dólares com as vacinas - percebem porque tiveram de criar vacinas obrigatórias? Pagas pelos contribuintes.  Foi um assalto global. Os políticos foram os dealers desta operação que tem mais traços de tráfico do que de missao humanitária. 

Se fosse por uma causa humanitária as vacinas teriam sido gratuitas ou quase para todos os países do mundo. Qualquer  bilionário filantrópico poderia ter ajudado com menos de 1% da sua riqueza se assim fosse.

Os preços aumentam porque é conveniente para esta máfia nazi de ditadores que nos "governam" e que nos últimos 20 anos nos têm manipulado para sermos servos escravos consumistas previsíveis e controláveis. 

Inquisição  - escravatura - revolução francesa - apartheid - segregação - racismo - genocídio dos povos nativos - colonialismo.

A guerra do golfo. A guerra do Iraque. 

A crise de 2008 de Wall Street.

A troika. O covid.  E agora a guerra na Ucrânia. 

Já não estivemos aqui antes? Deja-vu .

Neste loop traumático?

Porque continua a soar tão irreal e estranho e inacreditável?

É sempre o mesmo loop da História - a oligarquia contra o povo.

No entanto, nestes ciclos viciados surgem sempre movimentos - é inevitável.

Das periferias surgirá, por consciência ou necessidade, uma solução vinda das pessoas para as pessoas.

Não nos deixemos hipnotizar por dualidades e divisões.

Sejamos solidários de todas as maneiras que pudermos mas não nos devemos esquecer do colapso ambiental iminente e enquanto as baterias dos carros elétricos continuarem a ser carregadas com eletricidade vinda da queima de combustíveis fósseis não me venham com histórias que a transição climática vai ser "limpa".

Não se deixem manipular, pensem por vocês próprios e não deixem os vossos comportamentos, escolhas e opiniões serem apenas fruto do que vêm na televisão. 

Que este absurdo de troca de cassete entre covid e guerra seja uma oportunidade de reflexão sobre quantas vezes na história a propaganda mediática nos manipulou e desviou a atenção e foi manobra de distração de tantas outras coisas que nem sabíamos pela hipnose em que, inconscientemente, entrávamos.

Estamos em 2022 e existem  soluções para todos os problemas do mundo.

O único obstáculo é a ganância, o capitalismo e aqueles que querem continuar a faturar da mesma forma que fizeram nos século passado, quando o planeta já atingiu o limite.

Crises criadas para gerar lucro.

O capitalismo tem de ter limites porque o planeta tem limites.

Em 100 anos destruímos mais do que em milhares. 

Devido ao capitalismo que está no nosso cérebro como um implante colocado à nascença. 

É a cassete que toca desde sempre nas nossas televisões.

É uma cassete VHS bafienta cheia de mofo  à qual apenas se muda o título e bota play. 

Que cada escolha diária que fazemos seja plena de clarividência acerca da sua consequência. 

Que a tragédia da guerra nos abra o coração e recorde da urgência de proteger a sacralidade de todas as vidas no nosso planeta.

E de saber que mesmo não concordando com outra pessoa, o diálogo abre o caminho para a resolução.

Teresa Gabriel

The pandemic will end when the digital monetary system is in place

The 6 Grand Illusions That Keep Us Enslaved To The Matrix

“In prison, illusions can offer comfort.”

– Nelson Mandela

For a magician to fool his audience his deceit must go unseen, and to this end he crafts an illusion to avert attention from reality. While the audience is entranced, the deceptive act is committed, and for the fool, reality then becomes inexplicably built upon on a lie. That is, until the fool wakes up and recognizes the truth in the fact that he has been duped.

Maintaining the suspension of disbelief in the illusion, however, is often more comforting than acknowledging the magician’s secrets.

We live in a world of illusion. So many of the concerns that occupy the mind and the tasks that fill the calendar arise from planted impulses to become someone or something that we are not. This is no accident. As we are indoctrinated into this authoritarian-corporate-consumer culture that now dominates the human race, we are trained that certain aspects of our society are untouchable truths, and that particular ways of being and behaving are preferred.

Psychopaths disempower people in this way. They blind us with never ceasing barrages of suggestions and absolutes that are aimed at shattering self-confidence and confidence in the future.

Bansky, the revered and elusive revolutionary street artist, once commented:

“People are taking the piss out of you everyday. They butt into your life, take a cheap shot at you and then disappear. They leer at you from tall buildings and make you feel small. They make flippant comments from buses that imply you’re not sexy enough and that all the fun is happening somewhere else. They are on TV making your girlfriend feel inadequate. They have access to the most sophisticated technology the world has ever seen and they bully you with it. They are The Advertisers and they are laughing at you.”

– Banksy

Advertising is just the tip of the iceberg. When we look further we see that the overall organization of life is centered around the pursuit of illusions and automatic obedience to institutions and ideas which are not at all what they seem. 

We are in a very real sense enslaved. 

Many call this somewhat intangible feeling of oppression ‘the matrix,’ a system of total control that invades the mind, programming individuals to pattern themselves in accordance with a mainstream conformist version of reality, no matter how wicked it gets.

The grandest of the illusions which keep us enslaved to the matrix, the ones that have so many of us still entranced, are outlined below for your consideration:

1. The Illusion of Law, Order and Authority
For so many of us, following the law is considered a moral obligation, and many of us gladly do so even though corruption, scandal, and wickedness repeatedly demonstrate that the law is plenty flexible for those who have the muscle to bend it. Police brutality and police criminality is rampant in the US, the courts favor the wealthy, and we can longer even lead our lives privately thanks to the intrusion of state surveillance. And all the while the illegal and immoral Orwellian permanent war rages on in the background of life, murdering and destroying whole nations and cultures.

The social order is not what it seems, for it is entirely predicated on conformity, obedience and acquiescence which are enforced by fear of violence. History teaches us again and again that the law is just as often as not used as an instrument of oppression, social control and plunder, and any so-called authority in this regard is false, hypocritical, and unjust.

When the law itself does not follow the law, there is no law, there is no order, and there is no justice. The pomp and trappings of authority are merely a concealment of the truth that the current world order is predicated on control, not consent.

2. The Illusion of Prosperity and Happiness
Adorning oneself in expensive clothes and trinkets, and amassing collections of material possessions that would be the envy of any 19th century monarch has become a substitute for genuine prosperity. Maintaining the illusion of prosperity, though, is critical to our economy as it is, because its foundation is built on consumption, fraud, credit and debt. The banking system itself has been engineered from the top down to create unlimited wealth for some while taxing the eternity out of the rest of us.

True prosperity is a vibrant environment and an abundance of health, happiness, love, and relationships. As more people come to perceive material goods as the form of self-identification in this culture, we slip farther and farther away from the experience of true prosperity.

3. The Illusion of Choice and Freedom
Read between the lines and look at the fine print, we are not free, not by any intelligent standard. Freedom is about having choice, yet in today’s world, choice has come to mean a selection between available options, always from within the confines of a corrupt legal and taxation system and within the boundaries of culturally accepted and enforced norms.

Just look no further than the phony institution of modern democracy to find a shining example of false choices appearing real. Two entrenched, corrupt, archaic political parties are paraded as the pride and hope of the nation, yet third party and independent voices are intentionally blocked, ridiculed and plowed under.

The illusion of choice and freedom is a powerful oppressor because it fools us into accepting chains and short leashes as though they were the hallmarks of liberty.

Multiple choice is different than freedom, it is easy servitude.

4. The Illusion of Truth
Truth has become a touchy subject in our culture, and we’ve been programmed to believe that ‘the‘ truth comes from the demigods of media, celebrity, and government. If the TV declares something to be true, then we are heretics to believe otherwise.

In order to maintain order, the powers that be depend our acquiescence to their version of the truth. While independent thinkers and journalists continually blow holes in the official versions of reality, the illusion of truth is so very powerful that it takes a serious personal upheaval to shun the cognitive dissonance needed to function in a society that openly chases false realities.

5. The Illusion of Time
They say that time is money, but this is a lie. Time is your life. Your life is an ever-evolving manifestation of the now. Looking beyond the five sense world, where we have been trained to move in accordance with the clock and the calendar, we find that the spirit is eternal, and that the each individual soul is part of this eternity.

The big deception here is the reinforcement of the idea that the present moment is of little to no value, that the past is something we cannot undo or ever forget, and that the future is intrinsically more important than both the past and the present. This carries our attention away from what is actually happening right now and directs it toward the future. Once completely focused on what is to come rather than what is, we are easy prey to advertisers and fear-pimps who muddy our vision of the future with every possible worry and concern imaginable.

We are happiest when life doesn’t box us in, when spontaneity and randomness gives us the chance to find out more about ourselves. Forfeiting the present moment in order to fantasize about the future is a trap. The immense, timeless moments of spiritual joy that are found in quiet meditation are proof that time is a construct of the mind of humankind, and not necessarily mandatory for the human experience.

If time is money, then life can be measured in dollars. When dollars are worth less, so is life. This is total deception, because life is, in truth, absolutely priceless.

6. The Illusion of Separateness
On a strategic level, the tactic of divide and conquer is standard operating procedure for authoritarians and invading armies, but the illusion of separateness runs even deeper than this.

We are programmed to believe that as individuals we are in competition with everyone and everything around us, including our neighbors and even mother nature. Us vs. them to the extreme. This flatly denies the truth that life on this planet is infinitely inter-connected. Without clean air, clean water, healthy soil, and a vibrant global sense of community we cannot survive here.

While the illusion of separateness comforts us by gratifying the ego and and offering a sense of control, in reality it only serves to enslave and isolate us.

Conclusion
The grand illusions mentioned here have been staged before us as a campaign to encourage blind acquiescence to the machinations of the matrix. In an attempt to dis-empower us, they demand our conformity and obedience, but we must not forget that all of this is merely an elaborate sales pitch. 

They can’t sell what we don’t care to buy.


Sigmund Fraud
in, Waking Times

15 ALVOS A TER EM CONTA

15 ALVOS A TER EM CONTA

Narrativa (3). Meios (5). Fins (7).

Imaginem aquele desafio nas feiras de diversões, em que latas se empilham em andares e têm de disparar para derrubar tudo. O que é mais fácil: atirar às de cima, ou às que estão na "fundação"?

Nos tempos atuais, a situação é idêntica.

Na base, temos os 3 pilares da Narrativa:

(1) Testes PCR

(2) Transmissão por Assintomáticos

(3) Carimbos para mortes Co\/id.

No patamar seguinte, temos 5 Meios, suportados pela onda de terror criada pela Narrativa propagandeada sem real contraditório há um ano (e que são essenciais aos Objectivos Finais), a imposição de:

(4) Máscaras

(5) Dois metros de distanciamento

(6) Confinamentos gerais

(7) Vacinação de todos

(8) Passaporte digital

No último patamar temos os 7 Objectivos Finais:

(9) Redução da população

(10) Segregação e divisão da sociedade

(11) Monitorização total constante (por chip)

(12) Ditadura (desejada e aceite)

(13) Escravidão dos 99%

(14) Transumanismo

(15) Morte de Deus

Agora, pergunto: 

o que é mais eficaz para derrubar toda a estrutura? 

Atirar ao que sustenta 

o terceiro patamar, o segundo ou o primeiro?

As pessoas são míopes - e vaidosas. Nem vêm, nem querem (estão abertas a) ver o que está "mais lá à frente".  Tudo o que cheire a conspiração afasta as ovelhas. Elas são superiores a isso. "Conspiração" é para estúpidos. Mas é preciso mudar algumas ovelhas para que algo mude. Não adianta sermos muitos leões e até ter alguma eficácia no topo (mudar o poder) se a sociedade como um todo continuar amedrontada e na "narrativa vigente". Ela iria pedir a ditadura sanitária de volta. 

500 leões não valem de nada contra 1.000.000 de gnus em fúria.

Cada um deve fazer o que quer - óbvio. 

Da minha parte, sem esquecer o todo (não sou parvo nem cego), o meu foco está em "atirar" aos 3 pilares que suportam a primeira mesa. Por exemplo, os Meios (4) e (5) dependem largamente do pilar (2), a Transmissão por Assintomáticos. Já os Meios (7) e (8) dependem bastante do pilar (3), os carimbos de mortes. E tudo está influenciado por (1), os Testes PCR. 

Se os 3 pilares da Narrativa ruírem, tudo o resto irá ruir. 

Nem será preciso "falar" nesses outros patamares. E se a primeira mesa realmente ruir, depois da poeirada assentar, talvez muitas ovelhas possam até perguntar-se o que "estaria afinal por vir", tendo em conta a manipulação tida no primeiro patamar, e olhando com olhos de ver para os "escombros" do que ruiu.

Agora, eu gosto (mesmo) muito que o João Pereira da Silva esteja permanentemente focado no segundo patamar, ligando-o ao terceiro. Cada um deve fazer o que melhor faz e, claro, o que quer e apetece. O "trabalho" é complementar e ele fá-lo muitíssimo bem.

Saibamos, contudo, não esquecer as latinhas da feira de diversões. 

O calcanhar de Aquiles são os 3 pilares.

Tiago Mendes

Dr. Judy Mikovits says 50 million will die in U.S. from COVID Vaccine - Dr. Sherry Tenpenny Agrees

 

50 Million Americans May Die From COVID-19 Vaccine - Dr. Judy A. Mikovits

Vacina COVID... só deve ser realizada com o consentimento prévio, livre e esclarecido do indivíduo envolvido

 “Tendo chegado ao meu conhecimento que se propõe administrar a vacina COVID nas escolas e que há pessoas que se sentem pressionadas pelas entidades patronais, ou por outras para poderem viajar, terem de ser vacinadas entendo importante dar algumas bases legais para clarificar o assunto.

Assim, e antes de mais, é preciso saber que existe a Declaração Universal Sobre a Bioética e os Direitos Humanos (DUBDH), de 2005, que Portugal ratificou e, portanto, nos termos do Artº 8º da nossa Constituição, tem aplicação directa na nossa ordem jurídica interna e vincula todas as entidades portuguesas, a qual diz claramente no seu Artº 6º al. a) o seguinte:

“Qualquer intervenção médica preventiva, diagnóstica e terapêutica só deve ser realizada com o consentimento prévio, livre e esclarecido do indivíduo envolvido, baseado em informação adequada. O consentimento deve, quando apropriado, ser manifesto e poder ser retirado pelo indivíduo envolvido a qualquer momento e por qualquer razão, sem acarretar desvantagem ou preconceito.”

 

Significa isto que 

ninguém pode ser obrigado 

a tomar uma vacina. 

E, acima de tudo, qualquer proposta para se administrar uma vacina tem de ser acompanhada do devido esclarecimento acerca da sua origem, isto é, qual a entidade que a elaborou, do seu fabrico, isto é, em que país e em que laboratórios a vacina é fabricada, do seu conteúdo, mormente a lista cabal e completa dos seus ingredientes e excipientes, os efeitos directos e secundários na saúde já documentados e os possíveis efeitos futuros, a taxa de mortalidade, isto é, quantas pessoas já morreram em virtude da vacina (normalmente dentro das primeiras 72 horas sobre a sua administração), os benefícios que a vacina pretende manifestar e o confronto entre os riscos e os benefícios (para se saber se vale a pena correr os riscos), a forma como a vacina actua no organismo, isto é, saber se afecta o genoma humano (danos genéticos), se atravessa a barreira hematoencefálica, se é patogénica, etc., a entidade que a testou, o tempo de testagem, a entidade credenciada que aprovou a administração da vacina na população humana. 

E, principalmente, qual a eficácia da vacina para a finalidade de controlo da doença em relação à qual visa proteger o paciente – com a indicação dos estudos que comprovem essa eficácia.

O princípio contido no citado Artº 6º (DUBDH), tem correspondência com o Artº 157º do Código Penal Português, que diz o seguinte:

Dever de esclarecimento

“Para efeito do disposto no artigo anterior, o consentimento só é eficaz quando o paciente tiver sido devidamente esclarecido sobre o diagnóstico e a índole, alcance, envergadura e possíveis consequências da intervenção ou do tratamento, salvo se isso implicar a comunicação de circunstâncias que, a serem conhecidas pelo paciente, poriam em perigo a sua vida ou seriam susceptíveis de lhe causar grave dano à saúde, física ou psíquica.”

 

A violação, quer do Artº 6º da DUBDH, bem como do Artº 157º do Código Penal Português, fará incorrer em responsabilidade criminal o respectivo agente, nos termos do Artº 156º do Código Penal Português, se esse agente for médico ou pessoal médico autorizado, e fará incorrer na prática de crime de ofensa à integridade física, simples ou qualificada, consoante o grau de lesão, ou com agravação se o resultado for a morte da vítima, nos termos dos Arts. 143º a 147º do Código Penal Português, se o agente não for nem médico nem pessoal autorizado. 

Ambas estas situações prevêm penas de prisão efectiva e o dever de indemnizar pelos danos causados, quer os físicos, quer os morais, e ainda os danos morais causados em familiares no caso de morte da vítima.

Por isso qualquer pessoa que se sinta pressionada a tomar a vacina COVID, ou qualquer outra, para, por exemplo, conseguir obter tratamento médico para outra condição (que nada tem a ver com o COVID), para poder trabalhar ou viajar, ou para poder frequentar o ensino ou administrá-lo, tem o inalienável direito de primeiramente obter todas estas informações, e só após as mesmas se mostrarem devidamente clarificadas, (aqui sugeríamos por escrito, até para vincular a entidade que deverá prestar esses esclarecimentos), com assumpção das respectivas responsabilidades por parte de quem pretende impor o respectivo acto médico, é que a pessoa pode prestar ou não o seu consentimento esclarecido, sendo certo que, se se recusar a dar esse consentimento, estará a exercer legitimamente um direito que merece tutela jurídica.

Ficará à consciência de cada um decidir o que é melhor para si.”

Juíza Desembargadora Florbela Sebastião e Silva

Canadian government strategy to Covid-19

A leaked message outlining alleged Canadian govt plan to create a totalitarian state through lockdowns and credit strategy.

The osteopath Rashid Buttar,in a email that he says was sent to him by a woman called “Denise”, who claimed to have detail on Canada’s plan.

“This is based upon what actually happened at a meeting in the legislative bodies on the Liberal side in Canada,” Buttar tells the camera as he reads the message that is taken verbatim from an Oct. 14 post on The Canadian Report, a news aggregator and blog site. The post, itself, also resembled an email, and claimed to have been sent by an anonymous member of the Liberal Party of Canada.

Among the claims in the post quoted by Buttar was that the sender was part of a “strategic planning committee” being “steered” by the prime minister’s office (PMO). 

During this committee meeting, the sender said, plans were revealed for future lockdowns along with a scheme involving the International Monetary Fund (IMF) giving cash to Canada to eliminate debt. 

In response to this debt elimination, Canadian citizens would agree to stipulations to guarantee unrestricted travel and living arrangements. This included agreeing to a vaccination for COVID-19 and a secondary disease called COVID-21, while also giving up ownership of their property and assets forever.

The alleged email as read by Buttar reads: 

“What we were told was that in order to offset what was essentially an economic collapse on a international scale, that the federal government was going to offer Canadians a total debt relief […] This is how it works: the federal government will offer to eliminate all personal debts (mortgages, loans, credit cards, etc) which all funding will be provided to Canada by the IMF under what will become known as the World Debt Reset program. In exchange for acceptance of this total debt forgiveness the individual would forfeit ownership of any and all property and assets forever […] The individual would also have to agree to partake in the COVID-19 and COVID-21 vaccination schedule, which would provide the individual with unrestricted travel and unrestricted living even under a full lock down (through the use of photo identification referred to as Canada’s HealthPass).”

Only each person can decide if this is real or not!

         

EVIDENCE:

 THE WORLD ECONOMIC FORUM  MISSION

 THE WORLD ECONOMIC FORUM SPONSORS PARTNERS

THE WORLD ECONOMIC FORUM SPONSORS PARTNERS LIST

Welcome to 2030 I OWN NOTHING 

                              

                               

                                

                                 

ENDGAME 2050 | Documentário Completo [Oficial]

Dr. Dolores Cahill on Immunology, Antibodies, CVD19

 

Global Elite’s “Great Reset” Agenda (Shocking Discoveries Revealed)

                                                

                               

10 estratégias de manipulação através da mídia

 

1- A ESTRATÉGIA DA DISTRAÇÃO.

O elemento primordial do controle social é a estratégia da distração que consiste em desviar a atenção do público dos problemas importantes e das mudanças decididas pelas elites políticas e econômicas, mediante a técnica do dilúvio ou inundações de contínuas distrações e de informações insignificantes. A estratégia da distração é igualmente indispensável para impedir ao público de interessar-se pelos conhecimentos essenciais, na área da ciência, da economia, da psicologia, da neurobiologia e da cibernética. “Manter a atenção do público distraída, longe dos verdadeiros problemas sociais, cativada por temas sem importância real. Manter o público ocupado, ocupado, ocupado, sem nenhum tempo para pensar; de volta à granja como os outros animais (citação do texto 'Armas silenciosas para guerras tranquilas')”.

2- CRIAR PROBLEMAS, DEPOIS OFERECER SOLUÇÕES.

Este método também é chamado “problema-reação-solução”. Cria-se um problema, uma “situação” prevista para causar certa reação no público, a fim de que este seja o mandante das medidas que se deseja fazer aceitar. Por exemplo: deixar que se desenvolva ou se intensifique a violência urbana, ou organizar atentados sangrentos, a fim de que o público seja o mandante de leis de segurança e políticas em prejuízo da liberdade. Ou também: criar uma crise econômica para fazer aceitar como um mal necessário o retrocesso dos direitos sociais e o desmantelamento dos serviços públicos.

3- A ESTRATÉGIA DA GRADAÇÃO.

Para fazer com que se aceite uma medida inaceitável, basta aplicá-la gradativamente, a conta-gotas, por anos consecutivos. É dessa maneira que condições socioeconômicas radicalmente novas (neoliberalismo) foram impostas durante as décadas de 1980 e 1990: Estado mínimo, privatizações, precariedade, flexibilidade, desemprego em massa, salários que já não asseguram ingressos decentes, tantas mudanças que haveriam provocado uma revolução se tivessem sido aplicadas de uma só vez.

4- A ESTRATÉGIA DO DEFERIDO.

Outra maneira de se fazer aceitar uma decisão impopular é a de apresentá-la como sendo “dolorosa e necessária”, obtendo a aceitação pública, no momento, para uma aplicação futura. É mais fácil aceitar um sacrifício futuro do que um sacrifício imediato. Primeiro, porque o esforço não é empregado imediatamente. Em seguida, porque o público, a massa, tem sempre a tendência a esperar ingenuamente que “tudo irá melhorar amanhã” e que o sacrifício exigido poderá ser evitado. Isto dá mais tempo ao público para acostumar-se com a ideia de mudança e de aceitá-la com resignação quando chegar o momento.

5- DIRIGIR-SE AO PÚBLICO COMO CRIANÇAS DE BAIXA IDADE.

A maioria da publicidade dirigida ao grande público utiliza discurso, argumentos, personagens e entonação particularmente infantis, muitas vezes próximos à debilidade, como se o espectador fosse um menino de baixa idade ou um deficiente mental. Quanto mais se intente buscar enganar ao espectador, mais se tende a adotar um tom infantilizante. Por quê? “Se você se dirige a uma pessoa como se ela tivesse a idade de 12 anos ou menos, então, em razão da sugestão, ela tenderá, com certa probabilidade, a uma resposta ou reação também desprovida de um sentido crítico como a de uma pessoa de 12 anos ou menos de idade (ver “Armas silenciosas para guerras tranquilas”)”.

6- UTILIZAR O ASPECTO EMOCIONAL MUITO MAIS DO QUE A REFLEXÃO.

Fazer uso do aspecto emocional é uma técnica clássica para causar um curto circuito na análise racional, e por fim ao sentido critico dos indivíduos. Além do mais, a utilização do registro emocional permite abrir a porta de acesso ao inconsciente para implantar ou enxertar idéias, desejos, medos e temores, compulsões, ou induzir comportamentos…

7- MANTER O PÚBLICO NA IGNORÂNCIA E NA MEDIOCRIDADE.

Fazer com que o público seja incapaz de compreender as tecnologias e os métodos utilizados para seu controle e sua escravidão. “A qualidade da educação dada às classes sociais inferiores deve ser a mais pobre e medíocre possível, de forma que a distância da ignorância que paira entre as classes inferiores às classes sociais superiores seja e permaneça impossível para o alcance das classes inferiores (ver ‘Armas silenciosas para guerras tranquilas’)”.

8- ESTIMULAR O PÚBLICO A SER COMPLACENTE NA MEDIOCRIDADE.

Promover ao público a achar que é moda o fato de ser estúpido, vulgar e inculto…

9- REFORÇAR A REVOLTA PELA AUTOCULPABILIDADE.

Fazer o indivíduo acreditar que é somente ele o culpado pela sua própria desgraça, por causa da insuficiência de sua inteligência, de suas capacidades, ou de seus esforços. Assim, ao invés de rebelar-se contra o sistema econômico, o individuo se auto-desvalida e culpa-se, o que gera um estado depressivo do qual um dos seus efeitos é a inibição da sua ação. E, sem ação, não há revolução!

10- CONHECER MELHOR OS INDIVÍDUOS DO QUE ELES MESMOS SE CONHECEM.

No transcorrer dos últimos 50 anos, os avanços acelerados da ciência têm gerado crescente brecha entre os conhecimentos do público e aquelas possuídas e utilizadas pelas elites dominantes. Graças à biologia, à neurobiologia e à psicologia aplicada, o “sistema” tem desfrutado de um conhecimento avançado do ser humano, tanto de forma física como psicologicamente. O sistema tem conseguido conhecer melhor o indivíduo comum do que ele mesmo conhece a si mesmo. Isto significa que, na maioria dos casos, o sistema exerce um controle maior e um grande poder sobre os indivíduos do que os indivíduos a si mesmos.

Noam Chomsky